Doing Research Like Drucker and Einstein

August 23, 2023

Albert Einstein and Peter Drucker were rare geniuses, and both left a trail of success supported by significant achievement. Both are widely ranked among the greatest and most influential in their fields. Yet neither followed the models of scientific research which are sought by most universities. Drucker, known as the “Father of Modern Management,” did not use the synthetic research method promoted by academia. As a result, many academics do not accept Drucker’s methods of analytical research but insist on the synthetic research whereby hypotheses are established and then proven or disproven for general conclusions and theory. The same with Einstein.

 

Like Einstein, Drucker did not arrive at his theories in a laboratory surrounded by microscopes and computers, but in a different kind of laboratory. Einstein’s most productive period was in the single year of 1905, during which he produced and published four ground-breaking papers, which eventually won him the Nobel Prize for theoretical physics in 1921. None of the four were conceived and written in the sterile atmosphere of a typical laboratory, or by the synthetic methods desired by universities. Rather, they were accomplished while Einstein was occupied in his first job after obtaining his PhD at the University of Zurich. This position, as a patent examiner at the Swiss Patent Office in Bern, was an entry level position. Moreover, he was passed over for promotion while doing this research which won for him a Nobel Prize!


The Development of the Theory of Relativity


Einstein himself described the development of one of his most famous theories, the Theory of Relativity, as conceived while he imagined himself traveling along side of a beam of light. Remembering that Drucker’s PhD was a law degree, it is possible that it was Einstein who influenced Drucker with examples of developing methods of reasoning and thinking which resulted in Drucker’s theories of management practice. Drucker observed ongoing management operations. He described this as “his laboratory.” He used his analysis and the development of what he observed to develop his theories by observation.

 

Einstein Revealed His Methods


Although sometimes Drucker sometimes gave only clues to his methods, Einstein described his fully. In a letter to the London Times in 1919, Einstein wrote that his methods came from “Theories of Principle.” He stated that these  “were derived from the analytical, not the synthetic method.” Their starting-point and foundation were not hypothetical components, but “empirically observed general properties of phenomena, principles from which mathematical formulae are deduced of such a kind that they apply to every case which presents itself.” Drucker was only ten years old at the time and probably did not then know sufficient English to read this letter when it was written. However, he did refer to Einstein during his career, and it is possible that he read the article in English later.

 

Synthetic research starts with the known and proceeds to the unknown. The researcher starts with an assumed hypothesis and tests it to prove or disprove it by examination of a sufficient number of examples and testing mathematically for a significant difference. 

 

Analytical research starts with the unknown and proceeds to the known. There is no hypothesis. One definition of analytical research is “a specific type of research that involves critical thinking skills and the evaluation of facts and information relative to the research being conducted.” This is how both Einstein and Drucker arrived at their theories. The theories developed by these two geniuses did not start with hypotheses and their resulting theories did not evolve from scientific research in the commonly understood process in which many sources are surveyed and analyzed through mathematical techniques and equations, but rather from a basic model:

 

1.   Observation, either real (or in some of Einstein’s work, imagined)

2.   Analysis of the observation

3.   Conclusions

4.   Theory Based on These Conclusions

 

Ed Cooke, a Grand Master of Memory, and a graduate of Oxford University as well as the author of several books on memory wrote that there were two ways of doing brain research: “The first is the way that empirical psychology does it, which is that you look from the outside and take a load of measurements on a lot of different people. The other way follows from the logic that a system’s optimal performance can tell you something about its design.”

 

Cooke’s description of the latter method describes how both Einstein and Drucker focused on the powers of ordinary observation and applied analytical reasoning leading to practical results.

 

Unexpected Insights at an Academic Conference


I found insights into the value of Drucker’s methods about thirty years ago. I was invited to participate as a member of a panel held during an academic conference. The purpose of the panel was to discuss the influence of textbooks on management practice, or more accurately the lack thereof. During this discussion, and before an audience of marketing and management professors, one question was directed precisely at me as I was the only one of the five authors on the panel to have written both professional books for practicing managers and textbooks for classroom work with students. The question I was asked was why it was that textbooks seemed to follow established management practices but only professional or “trade” books seemed to be on the cutting edge to provide new insights.

 

I responded that “The writers of textbooks must bring together research from many sources to confirm the main points or theories they discuss. In many cases, there are also alternate theories to present regarding the various methods proposed for practice. To add the time needed for the textbook writer to do the research his textbook, must be added the time for the researcher to conduct not only this necessary research, but to describe both the research and the results in one or more articles, and to find suitable academic journals for publication for both his articles and realizing that this applies to the research done by others which are cited. For a top research journal, this can take many months before acceptance. After the textbook is published and used in the classroom, textbooks are used to instruct students. It may take several years before these students are in senior management positions and able to practice what was taught. On the other hand, a professional book based on theory resulting from personal observations (analytical research) can much more quickly be applied to practice as it goes right into the hands of the reader who is may already be a practitioner and who put it to immediate use.”

 

More Insight from the Conference


Sometime later when preparing a lecture for doctorial students at the Peter Drucker and Masatoshi Ito Graduate School of Management at Claremont Graduate University on the potential value of writing professional books for disseminating theory as Drucker did, I came across two unexpected facts. First, many of the most widely publicized theories of management reached practitioners through a book, making the information immediately available to the practitioner in this manner and that the same level of dissemination among practitioners rarely came from publication in research journals.

 

Well-known consumer behavior researcher, Jagdish Sheth, once revealed during a conference presentation that after more than 25 years of research he had recently written an article published in the Wall Street Journal about which he received several hundred responses from practitioners. In contrast, after many articles published in leading research journals which had resulted in academic fame, he had received a small number queries from other academics, and none from practitioners.

 

Not surprisingly response from professional books included not only Drucker’s Management by Objectives from The Practice of Management (Harper & Brothers, 1954) and other methods resulting from Drucker’s theories, but also, Abraham Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs disseminated through his book Motivation and Personality  (Harper & Brothers, 1954) and Douglas McGregor’s Theory X and Theory Y disseminated through his book The Human Side of Enterprise. (McGraw-Hill, 1960).

 

Of course, there were many articles published in research journals on these topics, but these were usually after professional books had already been published and they had already been put into practice and were well known and in common discussion by business professionals.

 

Drucker’s Methods and Thinking


 Drucker did not start with synthetic mathematical formulae into which data was inserted to determine what was to be done but used his powers of observation and reasoning in determining  conclusions for theory and then further testing this theory as he saw it applied.

 

Although Drucker did not describe his methods like Einstein, Drucker’s thinking processes, frequently dismissed by those employing only synthetic research, were a part of the mental arsenal for his research and should not be ignored. I cannot state mathematical equations he used nor his favorite means of testing for significant differences, because he used none. Still, if we can understand his analytical methods, we may apply the same in our own research, problem solving, decision making, and in assisting other practitioners through application of the results of our research.


By Bo Yang, Ph.D. January 31, 2026
Peter Drucker’s memoir, Adventures of a Bystander, is a self-portrait of a most unusual kind. It reveals its subject not through direct autobiography, but through a series of incisive portraits of the people he encountered throughout a tumultuous life. Drucker positions himself as a "bystander," but this is no passive observer. Instead, he is an intellectual portraitist whose careful study of others becomes the very method by which he comes to understand himself and the fractured world he inhabited.
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This essay was inspired by an article recently published by Karen Linkletter and Pooya Tabesh (2025). They were in search of the meaning of “decision” in the works of Peter Drucker. To this end, they used Python to identify and locate all the times the word, “decision”, came up in Peter Drucker’s oeuvre . They then characterized the contexts (“themes”) in which the word came up. The result was a nuanced but very clear characterization of the evolution of his thinking on the topic. Here, we will focus on a key theme for Drucker: the case where your decisions involve other people’s decisions and actions . For present purposes, we can start with their statement: One of Drucker’s valuable contributions to the literature on decision-making is his adamance that implementation be built into the decision-making process.” (Linkletter and Tabesh 2025 8) To be clear, “…it is not a surprise that his integration of implementation of and commitment to decisions is part of his process of decision-making. He argues that a decision “has not been made until it has been realized in action.” (2025 8) The question, therefore, is how to make this happen, how to turn an organization from an aggregate of individuals whose decisions may or may not be aligned, into an agent—an entity that makes decisions, implements them, and then ascertains that what was done was, in fact, what was decided, as we try to do when making purely individual decisions. Let’s look at the matter more closely… A few years ago, I read a story about a road crew that was painting a double-yellow line on a highway. In their path was a dead raccoon that had been hit by a car or truck. It was lying right in the middle of the road. The crew didn’t stop. Someone later took a picture of the dead raccoon with a double-yellow line freshly painted right over it. The picture is below. It went viral on the Internet.
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When Paul Polman became CEO of Unilever in 2009, he did not inherit a troubled company. He stepped into a large global enterprise with familiar consumer brands that sat on shelves in cities from Amsterdam to Manila. Even with that scale and reach, the business rested on foundations that were beginning to crack. Public faith in multinational firms was fading, climate change was moving from a distant worry to a financial reality, and investors were increasingly locked into the rhythm of quarterly results that encouraged short term decisions and discouraged real strategy.
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Peter Drucker suggested that readers view his first three books as a unified body of work: The End of Economic Man(1939), The Future of Industrial Man (1942), and Concept of the Corporation (1946). These works share a common theme: politics. Drucker did not think about politics like scholars who strictly follow modern social science norms. Instead, he viewed politics as part of social ecology and understood political events through the dynamic changes in social ecology. Despite having "corporation" in its title and using General Motors as a case study, Concept of the Corporation is indeed a book about politics. In this work, Drucker attempts to address the main issues that industrial society must resolve: the legitimacy of managerial authority, the status and function of managers and workers, and the power structure of society and organizations. In Drucker's own words, this is a book exploring the specific principles of industrial society. Corresponding to these specific social principles, Drucker had earlier attempted to develop a general social theory, which was the aim of The End of Economic Man and The Future of Industrial Man. The subtitle of The End of Economic Man is "The Origins of Totalitarianism." The book focuses on how society disintegrates in industrial societies and how totalitarianism rises. For Drucker, the real challenge of this topic isn't explaining how Hitler and Mussolini came to power, nor the actions of Germany and Italy in government, military, and economic spheres. Rather, it's understanding why some Europeans accepted clearly absurd totalitarian ideologies, and why others seemed potentially receptive to them. Drucker's writing style is argumentative. He clearly knew that to effectively advance his arguments, he needed to engage with popular theories of his time. Back then, there were two main explanatory approaches to Nazism and Fascism, which Drucker termed "illusions." Some viewed totalitarianism as ordinary political turmoil similar to previous historical revolutions. In their view, totalitarianism was characterized merely by cruelty, disruption of order, propaganda, and manipulation. Others considered totalitarianism a phenomenon unique to Germany and Italy, related to their specific national characters. Drucker thoroughly refuted explanations based on "national character." He believed that any historical approach appealing to "national character" was pseudo-history. Such theories always emphasize that certain events were inevitable in certain places. But all claims of "inevitability" negate human free will and thus deny politics: without human choice, there is no politics. If the rise of totalitarianism were inevitable, there would be no need or possibility to oppose it. Viewing totalitarianism as an ordinary revolution is equally dangerous. This thinking merely emphasizes how bad Nazis and Fascists were. But the real issue is that Europeans were not merely submitting out of fear—they were actually attracted to totalitarianism. And those attracted weren't just the ignorant masses but also well-educated intellectual elites, especially the younger generation. The world cannot defeat totalitarianism through contempt alone, especially if that contempt stems from ignorance. Understanding the enemy is a prerequisite to defeating it. Drucker identified three main characteristics of Nazism and Fascism (totalitarianism is a social type, with Nazism and Fascism being its representatives in industrialized Europe): 1. The complete rejection of freedom and equality, which are the core beliefs of European civilization, without offering any positive alternative beliefs. 2. The complete rejection of the promise of legitimate power. Power must have legitimacy—this is a long-standing tradition in European politics. For power to have legitimacy means that it makes a commitment to the fundamental beliefs of civilization. Totalitarianism denied all European beliefs, thereby liberating power from the burden of responsibility. 3. The discovery and exploitation of mass psychology: in times of absolute despair, the more absurd something is, the more people are willing to believe it. The End of Economic Man develops a diagnosis of totalitarianism around these three characteristics. Drucker offers a deeper insight: totalitarianism is actually a solution to many chronic problems in industrial society. At a time when European industrial society was on the verge of collapse, totalitarians at least identified the problems and offered some solutions. This is why they possessed such magical appeal. Why did totalitarianism completely reject the basic beliefs of European civilization? Drucker's answer: neither traditional capitalism nor Marxist socialism could fulfill their promises of freedom and equality. "Economic Man" in Drucker's book has a different meaning than in Adam Smith's work. "Economic Man" refers to people living in capitalist or socialist societies who believe that through economic progress, a free and equal world would "automatically" emerge. The reality was that capitalism's economic freedom exacerbated social inequality, while socialism not only failed to eliminate inequality but created an even more rigid privileged class. Since neither capitalism nor socialism could "automatically" realize freedom and equality, Europeans lost faith in both systems. Simultaneously, they lost faith in freedom and equality themselves. Throughout European history, people sought freedom and equality in different social domains. In the 19th century, people projected their pursuit of freedom and equality onto the economic sphere. The industrial realities of the 20th century, along with the Great Depression and war, shattered these hopes. People didn't know where else to look for freedom and equality. The emerging totalitarianism offered a subversive answer: freedom and equality aren't worth pursuing; race and the leader are the true beliefs. Why did totalitarianism reject the promise of power legitimacy? One reason was that political power abandoned its responsibility to European core beliefs. Another reason came from the new realities of industrial society. Drucker held a lifelong view: the key distinction between industrial society and 19th-century commercial society was the separation of ownership and management. The role of capitalists was no longer important. Those who truly dominated the social industrial sphere were corporate managers and executives. These people effectively held decisive power but had not gained political and social status matching their power. When a class's power and political status don't match, it doesn't know how to properly use its power. Drucker believed this was a problem all industrial societies must solve. Totalitarianism keenly perceived this issue. The Nazis maintained property rights for business owners but brought the management of factories and companies under government control. This way, social power and political power became unified. This unified power was no longer restricted or regulated—it became the rule itself. Why could totalitarianism make the masses believe absurd things? Because Europeans had nothing left to believe in. Each individual can only understand society and their own life when they have status and function. Those thrown out of normal life by the Great Depression and war lost their status and function. For them, society was a desperate dark jungle. Even those who temporarily kept their jobs didn't know the meaning of their current life. The Nazi system could provide a sense of meaning in this vacuum of meaning—though false, it was timely. Using the wartime economic system, the Nazis created stable employment in a short time. In the Nazi industrial system, both business owners and workers were exploited. But outside the industrial production system, Nazis created various revolutionary organizations and movements. In those organizations and movements, poor workers became leaders, while business owners and professors became servants. In the hysterical revolutionary fervor, people regained status and function. Economic interests were no longer important, freedom and equality were no longer important; being involved in the revolution (status) and dying for it (function) became life's meaning. The Nazis replaced the calm and shrewd "Economic Man" with the hysterical "Heroic Man." Though absurd, this new concept of humanity had appeal. What people needed was not rationality but a sense of meaning that could temporarily fill the void. Those theorists who despised totalitarianism only emphasized its evil. Drucker, however, emphasized its appeal. He viewed totalitarianism as one solution to the crisis of industrial society. From 19th-century commercial society to 20th-century industrial society, the reality of society changed dramatically. 19th-century ideas, institutions, and habits could not solve 20th-century problems. Capitalism could not fulfill its promises about freedom and equality, and neither could Marxism. It was at this point that totalitarianism emerged. Nazism and Fascism attempted to build a new society in a way completely different from European civilization. Drucker said the real danger was not that they couldn't succeed, but that they almost did. They addressed the relationship between political power and social power, proposed alternative beliefs to freedom and equality (though only negative ones), and on this basis provided social members with new status and function. The war against totalitarianism cannot be waged merely through contempt. Defeating totalitarianism is not just a battlefield matter. Those who hate totalitarianism and love freedom must find better solutions than totalitarianism to build a normally functioning and free industrial society. Totalitarianism gave wrong and evil answers. But they at least asked the right questions. Industrial society must address several issues: the legitimacy of power (government power and social power), individual status and function, and society's basic beliefs. These issues became the fundamental threads in Drucker's exploration of industrial society reconstruction in The Future of Industrial Man. The Future of Industrial Man: From Totalitarian Diagnosis to General Social Theory Both The End of Economic Man and The Future of Industrial Man feature the prose style of 19th-century historians. Even today, readers can appreciate the author's profound historical knowledge and wise historical commentary. For today's readers, the real challenge of these two books lies in Drucker's theoretical interests. He doesn't simply narrate history but organizes and explains historical facts using his unique beliefs and methods. In The End of Economic Man, Drucker developed his diagnosis of totalitarianism around three issues: power legitimacy, individual status-function, and society's basic beliefs. In The Future of Industrial Man, he also constructs a general social theory around these three issues. In "What Is A Functioning Society," Drucker explains three sets of tensions that exist in social ecology: 
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